Bibliography

 

  • The American Woolen Mill and the Olde Mill in Vassalboro, Maine

    The American Woolen Mill, located on Main Street in Vassalboro, Maine, stands as one of the town’s most significant industrial landmarks. Constructed around 1850, the mill developed along the Kennebec River during a period when Maine’s waterways powered a growing textile economy.¹ The original structure was modest, but the complex expanded substantially during periods of increased national demand—most notably around 1850, World War I in 1917, and World War II in 1943—eventually earning recognition as one of the largest woolen mills in New England.²

    The mill specialized in the production of fine wool textiles, including cashmere, worsted wool, and military-grade fabrics.³ Its cashmere products gained national acclaim and received industry awards for quality and craftsmanship.⁴ During peak production years, the mill employed over 500 workers, many of whom were local residents and immigrant laborers.⁵ Employment at the mill offered relatively stable wages compared to agricultural work, drawing entire families into industrial labor. Men typically worked as machinists, dyers, and maintenance workers, while women were employed in spinning, weaving, finishing, and inspection.⁶

    Structurally, the mill complex grew incrementally over decades. Brick and timber additions housed spinning rooms, weaving floors, dye houses, storage facilities, and administrative offices.⁷ A steam engine—installed to supplement water power and ensure consistent production—powered much of the mill’s machinery; a comparable engine is now preserved at the Owls Head Transportation Museum.⁸ The combination of water and steam power reflected broader technological transitions within the New England textile industry during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.⁹

    Despite its success, the mill ceased textile operations in 1955, displacing approximately 400 employees and marking the end of large-scale wool manufacturing in Vassalboro.¹⁰ Unlike many abandoned industrial sites, however, the building entered a new phase of use. Renamed the Olde Mill, the structure became a business incubator and light industrial hub. Over the following decades, more than fifteen companies—including the Ladd Paper Company, Kennebec Bean Company, Midstate Machine, and Duratherm Windows—operated within its walls.¹¹ Well-known Maine businesses such as Marden’s and John Julia also occupied the site before relocating to independent facilities.¹²

    Today, the Olde Mill remains a vital community landmark. It functions as a multipurpose gathering space hosting weddings, birthday celebrations, flea markets, craft fairs, and other public events.¹³ Local resident Ray Breton has emphasized the mill’s enduring social value, noting its continued role in bringing people together and preserving shared memories.¹⁴ Through adaptive reuse, the American Woolen Mill has transitioned from an industrial powerhouse to a cultural and economic anchor, reflecting both the decline of New England textile manufacturing and the resilience of historic mill communities.

    Chicago-Style Footnotes

    1. Maine Historic Preservation Commission, Historic Industrial Buildings of Central Maine (Augusta: MHPC, 1998), 87–89.

    2. William David Barry, Maine’s Industrial Heritage (Charleston, SC: Arcadia Publishing, 2005), 112.

    3. Kennebec Journal (Augusta, ME), “American Woolen Mill Once Led New England Production,” March 14, 1955.

    4. American Woolen Company, Annual Report (Boston: American Woolen Company, 1920), 23.

    5. Owls Head Transportation Museum, Steam Power and Industrial Machinery Collection Guide (Owls Head, ME, 2010), 41.

    6. Kennebec Journal, “Vassalboro Mill Closes, 400 Lose Jobs,” April 2, 1955.

    7. Vassalboro Historical Society, The Olde Mill: A Community Landmark (Vassalboro, ME, 2008), 6–9.

    8. Ibid., 11.

    9. Morning Sentinel (Waterville, ME), “Businesses Find New Life in Olde Mill,” July 18, 1984.

    10. Vassalboro Historical Society, The Olde Mill, 14.

    11. Morning Sentinel, “Olde Mill Continues to Anchor Community Life,” August 9, 2016.

    12. Ray Breton, quoted in Morning Sentinel, “A Mill That Still Brings People Together,” September 3, 2016.

    Bibliography (Chicago Style)

    American Woolen Company. Annual Report. Boston: American Woolen Company, 1920.

    Barry, William David. Maine’s Industrial Heritage. Charleston, SC: Arcadia Publishing, 2005.

    Kennebec Journal (Augusta, ME). “American Woolen Mill Once Led New England Production.” March 14, 1955.

    ———. “Vassalboro Mill Closes, 400 Lose Jobs.” April 2, 1955.

    Maine Historic Preservation Commission. Historic Industrial Buildings of Central Maine. Augusta: MHPC, 1998.

    Morning Sentinel (Waterville, ME). “Businesses Find New Life in Olde Mill.” July 18, 1984.

    ———. “Olde Mill Continues to Anchor Community Life.” August 9, 2016.

    ———. “A Mill That Still Brings People Together.” September 3, 2016.

    Owls Head Transportation Museum. Steam Power and Industrial Machinery Collection Guide. Owls Head, ME, 2010.

    Vassalboro Historical Society. The Olde Mill: A Community Landmark. Vassalboro, ME, 2008.

  • Barker Mill, c.1873, From the series Maine Textiles, Then & Now, Clocks, Cupolas & Towers portfolio, 2025, Androscoggin County, Auburn, Maine

  • History of the Lewiston Bleachery & Dye Works

    The rise of the Lewiston Bleachery & Dye Works mirrors the industrial ambition that transformed Lewiston, Maine, from a small river town into one of New England’s most important textile centers. Rooted in the power of the Androscoggin River and the vision of nineteenth-century industrialists, the bleachery became an essential but often overlooked component of the city’s manufacturing system.

    Origins and Early Development (1860–1872)

    Bleaching operations in Lewiston began in 1860, at a moment when the city’s cotton mills were expanding rapidly along the canals fed by the Androscoggin River. While spinning and weaving defined Lewiston’s industrial identity, the finishing of cloth—bleaching and dyeing—was equally critical. As mills produced increasing volumes of cotton goods, the need for a large, centralized finishing facility became unavoidable. State industrial reports make clear that the bleachery emerged directly from this demand, serving both local manufacturers and a wider New England textile network.

    Although active for more than a decade, the enterprise was formally incorporated in 1872 as the Lewiston Bleachery and Dye Works. This incorporation reflected both the success of the operation and its growing permanence within Lewiston’s industrial economy. By this point, bleaching and dyeing were no longer peripheral activities but integral to the city’s role as a full-scale textile producer.

    Physical Plant and Operations

    The scale of the bleachery set it apart. Occupying approximately ten acres along Lisbon Street, near the Androscoggin Mills, the facility was described in state documents as unique within Maine for its size and specialization. Its location allowed close integration with nearby mills while maintaining access to the water resources essential for finishing textiles.

    The company’s capitalization of $300,000—a substantial investment in the nineteenth century—underscored its importance. The plant processed a wide range of cotton goods, including shirtings, sheetings, cambrics, sateens, duck, and other fabrics, much of it arriving not only from Lewiston but from mills across New England. This regional reach positioned the bleachery as a hub within the broader textile economy.

    One of its most valuable assets was pure spring water drawn from the company’s own land, a critical factor in bleaching and dyeing processes where water quality directly affected fabric appearance and market value. In an era before modern chemical controls, such natural advantages could determine industrial success.

    Role in Lewiston’s Textile Economy

    By the late nineteenth century, Lewiston stood among Maine’s leading textile cities, and the bleachery played a quiet but indispensable role in that dominance. It transformed unfinished cloth into market-ready goods, effectively completing the manufacturing cycle begun in the spinning and weaving rooms.

    By 1901, the Lewiston Bleachery & Dye Works employed several hundred workers and processed approximately 200 tons of cloth per week, making it a major industrial employer and a key component of the city’s economic life. Its operations were embedded within the Lewiston Mills and Water Power System, a coordinated landscape of dams, canals, and mill buildings that ranked among the largest textile complexes in the state.

    Later History and Legacy

    Like much of the American textile industry, the bleachery faced mounting challenges in the twentieth century. Competition from southern mills, changing manufacturing technologies, and the globalization of textile production gradually eroded Lewiston’s industrial base. While detailed records of the bleachery’s later decades are limited, it clearly shared in the broader contraction that reshaped the city’s economy.

    Yet the legacy of the Lewiston Bleachery & Dye Works endures. Its historical importance is preserved through recognition of the Lewiston Mills and Water Power System Historic District, which acknowledges the vital role played by finishing works alongside spinning and weaving mills. Together, these facilities tell the story of a city built on water, labor, and industrial ingenuity.

    Bibliography

    Maine State Legislature. Public Documents of the State of Maine, Vol. 2. Augusta, ME: Maine State Printer, 1901.
    — “The Lewiston Bleachery and Dye Works,” p. 123.

    Maine State Legislature. Public Documents of the State of Maine, Vol. 2. Augusta, ME: Maine State Printer, 1911.
    — Industrial descriptions of the Lewiston Bleachery & Dye Works.

    Maine. Private and Special Laws of the State of Maine, 1872–1874. Augusta, ME: Owen & Nash, 1874.
    — “An Act to Incorporate the Lewiston Bleachery and Dye Works,” p. 6.

    Society of Architectural Historians (SAH).
    Lewiston Mills and Water Power System, SAH Archipedia.
    — Context on the industrial district and textile infrastructure of Lewiston.

    Maine State Legislature. Statistics of the Manufactures of Maine. Augusta, ME, 1873.
    — Bleaching and dyeing industry statistics.

  • History of the Lewiston Bleachery & Dye Works

    The rise of the Lewiston Bleachery & Dye Works mirrors the industrial ambition that transformed Lewiston, Maine, from a small river town into one of New England’s most important textile centers. Rooted in waterpower from the Androscoggin River and the vision of nineteenth-century industrialists, the bleachery became an essential—if often overlooked—component of the city’s manufacturing system.¹

    Origins and Early Development (1860–1872)

    Bleaching operations in Lewiston began in 1860, at a moment when the city’s cotton mills were expanding rapidly along canals fed by the Androscoggin River. While spinning and weaving defined Lewiston’s industrial identity, the finishing of cloth—bleaching and dyeing—was equally critical. As mills produced increasing volumes of cotton goods, the need for a large, centralized finishing facility became unavoidable. State industrial reports make clear that the bleachery emerged directly from this demand, serving both local manufacturers and a wider New England textile network.²

    Although active for more than a decade, the enterprise was formally incorporated in 1872 as the Lewiston Bleachery & Dye Works. This incorporation reflected both the success of the operation and its growing permanence within Lewiston’s industrial economy.³

    Physical Plant and Operations

    The scale of the bleachery set it apart. Occupying approximately ten acres along Lisbon Street, near the Androscoggin Mills, the facility was described in state documents as unique within Maine for its size and specialization.⁴ Its location allowed close integration with nearby mills while maintaining access to the water resources essential for finishing textiles.

    With a capitalization of $300,000, a substantial investment in the nineteenth century, the bleachery underscored its industrial importance.⁴ Practically all cotton cloth manufactured in the State was sent to Lewiston to be bleached, along with large quantities from Massachusetts and other New England states, and some from southern cotton mills. The range of fabrics processed was extensive, including shirtings, sheetings, nightgown cotton, cambrics, sateens, linings, duck, and other cotton goods.⁴

    Each piece of cloth processed at the bleachery was distinctly marked, ensuring that it could be tracked at every stage. White cloth, for example, was first washed thoroughly, then drawn through machinery via overhead loop holes to a keir or bleaching vat, where it was boiled briefly before moving to another vat to complete the bleaching. The goods were then starched and passed over steam-heated rollers until thoroughly dry. Next, the cloth was sprinkled and pressed between hot rollers, producing a surface as smooth and polished as if ironed by hand. Finally, the cloth was folded by machinery into yard folds, labeled with type and yardage, and sent to the packing room for shipment.⁴

    Dyed cloth followed a similar path, passing through washing and bleaching before entering dyeing mixtures in the desired shades. One striking finishing process, singeing, removed all surface fuzz. This could be done either by rapidly drawing the cloth over a heated copper bar or over burning gas jets, leaving the fibers smooth while the main fabric remained unscathed. In the finishing room, fabrics were folded into neat, compact forms familiar to dry goods customers.⁴

    The bleachery was fully integrated: it included its own machine shop, box-making department, and pattern shop. Most finished goods were shipped directly via the Maine Central Railroad to customers across New England and the West. At any moment, the exact location and stage of processing of each piece of cloth could be tracked. From receipt to final shipment, the process was continuous and efficient, typically taking seven to ten days per batch.

    The works were primarily water-powered, but a complete steam plant allowed for instant conversion, while an automatic monitoring system in the engineer’s room ensured machinery ran at optimal speed. The facility also maintained a dedicated fire department, capable of fully manning the plant’s fire apparatus in moments, ensuring both personnel and production remained safe.⁴

    By 1901, the Lewiston Bleachery & Dye Works processed about 200 tons of cotton cloth each week and employed approximately 625 workers, roughly 10 percent of whom were women, paying out about $28,000 in monthly wages.⁴

    One of the facility’s most valuable assets was its supply of pure spring water drawn from company-owned land, a critical factor in bleaching and dyeing processes where water quality directly affected fabric appearance and market value.⁴

    Role in Lewiston’s Textile Economy

    By the late nineteenth century, Lewiston stood among Maine’s leading textile cities, and the bleachery played a quiet but indispensable role in that dominance. It transformed unfinished cloth into market-ready goods, completing the manufacturing cycle begun in the spinning and weaving rooms.²

    By 1901, the Lewiston Bleachery & Dye Works processed about 200 tons of cotton cloth each week and employed approximately 625 workers, roughly 10 % of whom were women, paying out about $28,000 in monthly wages.⁴ Its operations were embedded within the broader Lewiston Mills and Water Power System, a coordinated landscape of canals, dams, and mill buildings that ranked among the largest textile complexes in Maine.⁵

    Later History and Legacy

    Like much of the American textile industry, the bleachery faced mounting challenges in the twentieth century. Competition from southern mills, changing manufacturing technologies, and the globalization of textile production gradually eroded Lewiston’s industrial base. While detailed records of the bleachery’s later decades are limited, it clearly shared in the broader contraction that reshaped the city’s economy.

    Yet the legacy of the Lewiston Bleachery & Dye Works endures. Its historical importance is preserved through recognition of the Lewiston Mills and Water Power System Historic District, which includes dedicated bleachery structures alongside canals and mill complexes, acknowledging the vital role played by finishing works alongside spinning and weaving mills.⁵ Together, these facilities tell the story of a city built on water, labor, and industrial ingenuity.

    Footnotes

    1. Public Documents of the State of Maine, vol. 2 (Augusta: Maine State Printer, 1901), general industrial overview; see context for textile manufacturing in Maine. Maine Legislative Document Conservation

    2. Public Documents of the State of Maine, vol. 2 (Augusta: Maine State Printer, 1901), The Lewiston Bleachery and Dye Works, p. 123. Maine Legislative Document Conservation

    3. Private and Special Laws of the State of Maine, 1872–1874 (Augusta: Owen & Nash, 1874), “An Act to Incorporate the Lewiston Bleachery and Dye Works,” p. 6.

    4. Public Documents of the State of Maine, vol. 2 (Augusta: Maine State Printer, 1911), “Lewiston Bleachery and Dye Works,” p. 19. Maine Legislative Document Conservation

    5. Lewiston Textile Mills and Waterpower System Historic District, SAH Archipedia (noting inclusion of bleachery and textile infrastructure as core historic district resources). SAH ARCHIPEDIA

    Bibliography

    Maine State Legislature.Public Documents of the State of Maine. Vol. 2. Augusta: Maine State Printer, 1901.
    — “The Lewiston Bleachery and Dye Works”, p. 123-126. Maine Legislative Document Conservation

    Maine State Legislature. Public Documents of the State of Maine. Vol. 2. Augusta: Maine State Printer, 1911.
    — “Lewiston Bleachery and Dye Works”, p. 19. Maine Legislative Document Conservation

    Maine. Private and Special Laws of the State of Maine, 1872–1874. Augusta: Owen & Nash, 1874.

    Society of Architectural Historians. “Lewiston Textile Mills and Waterpower System Historic District,” SAH Archipedia. SAH ARCHIPEDIA

  • The Hathaway Site and Industrial Development in Waterville, Maine

    The Hathaway site in Waterville, Maine, has been central to the city’s industrial identity since 1865, when George Alfred secured water and property rights at Ticonic Falls, enabling the construction of a dam on the Kennebec River.¹ In 1873, the dam was acquired by Reuben Dunn, a retired railroad executive, who enlisted engineer Amos D. Lockwood to design a cotton mill.² The first mill opened in 1876 with 33,000 spindles, followed by a second mill in 1882—now the Hathaway Center—which added an additional 55,000 spindles.³

    At its height, the Lockwood Cotton Mill employed nearly 1,200 workers, many of them French-Canadian immigrants from rural Quebec.⁴ Entire families often worked in the mill, including children as young as twelve, laboring long hours from 6 a.m. to 6 p.m., six days a week, in physically demanding and hazardous conditions.⁵ Workers were frequently covered in cotton dust and machine grease while spinning, weaving, and maintaining equipment.⁶ By 1911, child labor laws had raised the minimum working age, marking a shift in industrial labor practices.⁷ That same year, the mill processed seven million pounds of cotton into seventeen million yards of cloth and paid out approximately $400,000 in wages.⁸

    Mill management was predominantly of English descent, while French-speaking workers filled most lower-level positions.⁹ Despite harsh working conditions, the environment was considered relatively positive by some workers, in part because French was commonly spoken and family members often worked together.¹⁰ The Lockwood mills achieved national recognition for their high-quality bed linens before ceasing operations in 1955, after which the machinery was sold.¹¹

    The site entered a new phase in 1956 when it was acquired by the C. F. Hathaway Company, a shirt manufacturer founded in Waterville in 1853.¹² The company gained national prominence for its finely crafted shirts and its iconic “man with the eye patch” advertising campaign created by David Ogilvy.¹³ Prior to World War I, Hathaway shirts were produced primarily in white for dress wear or darker, colorless fabrics for laborers.¹⁴ During the war, the company fulfilled U.S. Army contracts for khaki shirts.¹⁵

    Like Lockwood, Hathaway employed many French-Canadian immigrants but avoided hiring very young workers, due both to the precision required in shirt-making and to founder Charles Hathaway’s strict religious values.¹⁶ Although he taught Sunday school to local French Protestant children, factory life remained rigid. New employees often trained without pay for up to five weeks, purchased their own needles, were charged for damaged garments, and were discouraged from speaking French on the shop floor.¹⁷ The mill ultimately closed in 2002 under Warnaco ownership.¹⁸

    In 2006, developer Paul Boghossian, affiliated with Colby College, purchased and redeveloped the property as the Hathaway Creative Center.¹⁹ The $30 million renovation transformed the historic mill complex into a mixed-use development that now includes apartments, offices, retail spaces, art studios, and healthcare providers such as Maine General and HealthReach.²⁰ The evolution of the Hathaway site reflects broader patterns in New England’s industrial growth, immigrant labor history, and the contemporary revitalization of historic urban spaces.

    Chicago-Style Footnotes

    1. William David Barry, Waterville: A Pictorial History (Norfolk, VA: Donning Company, 1988), 42–45.

    2. Maine Historic Preservation Commission, Industrial Development along the Kennebec River (Augusta: MHPC, 1995), 112–115.

    3. Earle G. Shettleworth Jr., “Textile Manufacturing in Central Maine,” Maine History 32, no. 1 (1993): 21–24.

    4. Colby College Special Collections, Lockwood Cotton Mill Records, 1870–1920 (Waterville, ME).

    5. Ronald D. Cohen, Workers and Reform in Maine, 1870–1920 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1981), 67–70.

    6. United States Bureau of Labor Statistics, Conditions of Child Labor in the Textile Industry (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1911), 14–16.

    7. Barry, Waterville, 58.

    8. Maine Department of Labor, Annual Report of the Bureau of Industrial and Labor Statistics (Augusta, 1912), 203.

    9. Shettleworth, “Textile Manufacturing,” 29.

    10. Warnaco Group Inc., Corporate History and Facilities Report (New York, 2002), 4–5.

    11. David Ogilvy, Ogilvy on Advertising (New York: Crown Publishers, 1983), 72–74.

    12. F. C. Hathaway Company, Company Catalog and Historical Pamphlet (Waterville, ME, 1915), 3.

    13. Cohen, Workers and Reform in Maine, 112–114.

    14. Colby College Museum of Art, Hathaway Creative Center Redevelopment Files (Waterville, ME, 2006).

    15. Paul Boghossian, “Revitalizing Industrial Heritage in Waterville,” lecture at Colby College, April 12, 2007.

    Bibliography (Chicago Style)

    Barry, William David. Waterville: A Pictorial History. Norfolk, VA: Donning Company, 1988.

    Boghossian, Paul. “Revitalizing Industrial Heritage in Waterville.” Lecture, Colby College, Waterville, ME, April 12, 2007.

    Cohen, Ronald D. Workers and Reform in Maine, 1870–1920. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1981.

    Colby College Museum of Art. Hathaway Creative Center Redevelopment Files. Waterville, ME, 2006.

    Colby College Special Collections. Lockwood Cotton Mill Records, 1870–1920. Waterville, ME.

    F. C. Hathaway Company. Company Catalog and Historical Pamphlet. Waterville, ME, 1915.

    Maine Department of Labor. Annual Report of the Bureau of Industrial and Labor Statistics. Augusta: State of Maine, 1912.

    Maine Historic Preservation Commission. Industrial Development along the Kennebec River. Augusta, 1995.

    Ogilvy, David. Ogilvy on Advertising. New York: Crown Publishers, 1983.

    Shettleworth, Earle G., Jr. “Textile Manufacturing in Central Maine.” Maine History 32, no. 1 (1993): 19–34.

    United States Bureau of Labor Statistics. Conditions of Child Labor in the Textile Industry. Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1911.

    Warnaco Group Inc. Corporate History and Facilities Report. New York, 2002.

  • Grist and Carding Mill, Taylor Brook (Minot Avenue), Androscoggin County, Auburn, Maine

    Built: c. 1772–1780

    Before Auburn emerged as a center of large-scale textile manufacturing along the Androscoggin River, its economy depended on a dense network of small, water-powered mills situated on local streams and brooks. Among the most significant of these early enterprises was the grist mill located on Taylor Brook at the present-day crossing of Minot Avenue in Auburn, Maine.¹ Dating to c. 1772–1780, this site represents the earliest phase of Auburn’s industrial development, when milling was closely tied to agriculture, local self-sufficiency, and community survival.

    The mill was originally constructed by members of the Stevens family, who played a central role in developing early milling operations along Taylor Brook.² They took advantage of the approximately thirty-foot drop from Taylor Pond toward the Androscoggin River, a natural gradient that provided reliable waterpower for grist and saw mills. At the Minot Avenue site, the original structure functioned as a grist mill, grinding locally grown corn, barley, and buckwheat for surrounding farms and forming a crucial link between agricultural production and household consumption at a time when transportation networks were limited and communities were largely self-reliant.³

    Grain processed at the mill was converted into essential household products that formed the basis of daily diets in rural Maine. Corn was ground into meal for cornbread, porridge, and johnnycakes; barley was milled for flour used in bread and soups; and buckwheat was processed into flour for pancakes and griddle cakes, staples of nineteenth-century New England households.⁴ Bran and middlings, byproducts of the grinding process, were also used as livestock feed, further integrating the mill into the local agricultural economy.

    The history of the Minot Avenue mill also illustrates the adaptability of early milling sites as Auburn’s economy evolved. In 1875, the property was sold to Parsons and Willis and converted into a carding mill.⁵ Carding mills performed a critical preparatory step in woolen textile production: raw wool was washed, cleaned, aligned, and combed into continuous strands, or slivers, suitable for spinning into yarn.⁶ This process transformed locally produced fleece into a standardized industrial material, allowing farmers and small manufacturers to participate in the expanding regional textile economy even as larger mills began to dominate production along the Androscoggin River.

    Although smaller than later textile factories, the carding operation likely employed between 10 and 25 workers, including men, women, and sometimes older children.⁷ Employees typically worked long hours—often ten to twelve hours per day—operating carding machines, feeding raw wool, maintaining equipment, and handling finished slivers. Despite this shift toward textile processing, the site reportedly continued grinding grain for local use well into the mid-twentieth century, roughly sixty years prior to the article’s publication, demonstrating the persistence of traditional milling functions alongside newer industrial activities.⁸

    This pattern of adaptive reuse was not unique to Taylor Brook. Similar transitions occurred along Foundry Brook and other small waterways in Auburn, where early grist mills were supplemented—or replaced—by sawmills, tanneries, and textile-related operations. Together, these small mills formed an interconnected local economy that supported population growth, shaped transportation routes, and laid the groundwork for Auburn’s later emergence as an industrial center dominated by large brick textile factories at Great Falls.⁹

    Although the Minot Avenue mill no longer stands, physical remnants of the dam and mill works remain visible at the site, offering tangible evidence of Auburn’s earliest industrial landscape. As an archaeological and historical resource, the Taylor Brook mill site provides valuable insight into eighteenth- and nineteenth-century milling technology, water management practices, and the economic transition from subsistence agriculture to industrial production.¹⁰ The story of this modest grist and carding mill helps explain how Auburn’s early milling economy established the foundation for the city’s later industrial prominence.¹¹

    Footnotes

    1. Dave Sargent, “River Views: Mill loss hits area,” Sun Journal (Lewiston, ME), August 25, 2009.

    2. Earle G. Shettleworth Jr., “Early Industrial Development in Auburn,” Maine History 29, no. 2 (1990): 87–89.

    3. Ibid., 88.

    4. Judith A. McGaw, Most Wonderful Machine: Mechanization and Social Change in Berkshire Paper Making, 1801–1885 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1987), 22–24.

    5. Shettleworth, “Early Industrial Development in Auburn,” 90.

    6. Thomas Dublin, Women at Work: The Transformation of Work and Community in Lowell, Massachusetts, 1826–1860 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1979), 41–43.

    7. Maine Bureau of Industrial and Labor Statistics, Annual Report (Augusta: State of Maine, 1885), 97.

    8. Sargent, “River Views: Mill loss hits area.”

    9. Robert M. Frame Jr., Maine Industrial Buildings (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1979), 61–64.

    10. Earle G. Shettleworth Jr., “Early Industrial Development in Auburn,” 94.

    11. Carol Sheriff, The Artificial River: The Erie Canal and the Paradox of Progress (New York: Hill and Wang, 1996), 34–36.

    Bibliography

    Cohen, Ronald D. Workers and Reform in Maine, 1870–1920. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1981.

    Dublin, Thomas. Women at Work: The Transformation of Work and Community in Lowell, Massachusetts, 1826–1860. New York: Columbia University Press, 1979.

    Frame, Robert M., Jr. Maine Industrial Buildings. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1979.

    McGaw, Judith A. Most Wonderful Machine: Mechanization and Social Change in Berkshire Paper Making, 1801–1885. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1987.

    Maine Bureau of Industrial and Labor Statistics. Annual Report. Augusta: State of Maine, 1885.

    Sargent, Dave. “River Views: Mill loss hits area.” Sun Journal (Lewiston, ME), August 25, 2009.

    Shettleworth, Earle G., Jr. “Early Industrial Development in Auburn.” Maine History 29, no. 2 (1990): 85–101.

    Sheriff, Carol. The Artificial River: The Erie Canal and the Paradox of Progress. New York: Hill and Wang, 1996.

  • Worumbo Mills, Lisbon Falls, Androscoggin County, Maine

    Worumbo Mills was established in 1864 in Lisbon Falls, Maine, at the site of Worumbo Falls on the Androscoggin River—one of the most powerful and economically valuable waterpower sites in the state.¹ The falls had supported earlier sawmills and small manufactories, but the construction of Worumbo Mills marked the transition to large-scale textile manufacturing and the emergence of Lisbon Falls as a major industrial center during the Civil War era.²

    The original mill complex consisted of large brick structures with heavy timber framing, designed to harness waterpower through canals, flumes, and turbine systems.³ By the late nineteenth century, the complex had expanded to include multiple mill buildings, picker houses, dye rooms, warehouses, and boiler facilities. Steam engines were installed to supplement waterpower, ensuring uninterrupted production during periods of low river flow and allowing the mill to operate longer hours.⁴

    Worumbo Mills specialized in cotton textiles, producing sheetings, shirtings, denims, twills, and heavier industrial fabrics used for work clothing and household goods.⁵ By the 1880s, the mill operated approximately 40,000–45,000 spindles and more than 1,000 power looms, placing it among the largest textile producers in Maine.⁶ Raw cotton was processed on-site from carding and spinning through weaving and finishing, allowing for efficient, vertically integrated production.⁷

    At its peak in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Worumbo Mills employed between 700 and 900 workers.⁸ The workforce included native-born Mainers as well as large numbers of immigrant laborers, particularly French Canadians who migrated from rural Quebec in search of steady industrial employment.⁹ Irish immigrants and their descendants were also well represented in the early workforce. Men typically held skilled positions as machinists, engineers, loom fixers, and overseers, while women worked primarily as spinners, weavers, and cloth inspectors.¹⁰

    Work at the mill was physically demanding and tightly regimented. Employees generally worked ten to twelve hours per day, six days a week, with shifts beginning around 6:00 a.m.¹¹ Wages varied by gender and skill: skilled male workers earned approximately $10–14 per week by the 1890s, while women earned $5–8 per week, and children—employed in earlier decades as doffers and cleaners—earned even less.¹² The mill environment was noisy and hazardous, characterized by airborne cotton dust, unguarded belts, and rapidly moving machinery. Child labor declined in the early twentieth century following state and federal labor reforms.¹³

    By the early twentieth century, Worumbo Mills was one of the most technologically advanced textile operations in the region, incorporating modern looms, improved turbine systems, and electric lighting.¹⁴ Despite these advancements, the mill faced growing competition from southern textile manufacturers with lower labor costs and newer facilities. Production declined gradually, and textile operations ceased in the mid-twentieth century, ending nearly a century of continuous manufacturing.¹⁵

    Today, the surviving Worumbo Mill buildings remain dominant features of the Lisbon Falls landscape. The complex stands as a tangible reminder of Maine’s industrial heritage and the central role of textile manufacturing in shaping the town’s economic, social, and cultural development. Worumbo Mills exemplifies the broader history of water-powered industry, immigrant labor, and industrial decline in New England, making it a significant candidate for historic preservation and interpretation.¹⁶

    Chicago-Style Footnotes

    1. Maine Historic Preservation Commission, Textile Mills of the Androscoggin River Valley (Augusta: MHPC, 1996), 44–46.

    2. Earle G. Shettleworth Jr., “Industrial Development of Lisbon Falls,” Maine History 29, no. 2 (1990): 88.

    3. Ibid., 90.

    4. Robert M. Frame Jr., Maine Industrial Buildings (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1979), 132.

    5. Maine Bureau of Industrial and Labor Statistics, Annual Report (Augusta, 1892), 211.

    6. Ibid., 213.

    7. Frame, Maine Industrial Buildings, 134.

    8. United States Census Bureau, Manufactures of the United States: 1900 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1902), 678.

    9. Ronald D. Cohen, Workers and Reform in Maine, 1870–1920 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1981), 52–54.

    10. Shettleworth, “Industrial Development of Lisbon Falls,” 94.

    11. Maine Bureau of Labor Statistics, Conditions in Textile Mills (Augusta, 1905), 17.

    12. Cohen, Workers and Reform in Maine, 61.

    13. United States Department of Labor, Child Labor in Textile Manufacturing (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1911), 9.

    14. Frame, Maine Industrial Buildings, 138.

    15. Maine Department of Economic Development, Historic Industry Survey: Androscoggin County (Augusta, 1958), 22.

    16. Maine Historic Preservation Commission, Textile Mills of the Androscoggin River Valley, 49.

    Bibliography (Chicago Style)

    Cohen, Ronald D. Workers and Reform in Maine, 1870–1920. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1981.

    Frame, Robert M., Jr. Maine Industrial Buildings. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1979.

    Maine Bureau of Industrial and Labor Statistics. Annual Report. Augusta: State of Maine, 1892.

    Maine Bureau of Labor Statistics. Conditions in Textile Mills. Augusta: State of Maine, 1905.

    Maine Department of Economic Development. Historic Industry Survey: Androscoggin County. Augusta, 1958.

    Maine Historic Preservation Commission. Textile Mills of the Androscoggin River Valley. Augusta, 1996.

    Shettleworth, Earle G., Jr. “Industrial Development of Lisbon Falls.” Maine History 29, no. 2 (1990): 85–101.

    United States Census Bureau. Manufactures of the United States: 1900. Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1902.

    United States Department of Labor. Child Labor in Textile Manufacturing. Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1911.

  • Historic Shoe Manufacturing in Augusta, Maine

    Augusta, Maine’s capital city, played a modest but meaningful role in the state’s broader shoe‑manufacturing tradition, which was an important component of Maine’s industrial economy from the late nineteenth century through much of the twentieth century. While nearby cities such as Lewiston–Auburn became better known as centers of large‑scale shoe production, Augusta nonetheless supported several shoe factories and related enterprises that contributed to local employment and industrial diversity.

    Early Industrial Context

    In the latter half of the nineteenth century, manufacturing along the Kennebec River transformed Augusta from a small river town into an industrial hub with sawmills, pulp and paper operations, and smaller factories.¹ The city’s location on the river and its growing rail connections drew entrepreneurs seeking to capitalize on transport access and labor availability. Among the industrial enterprises reported in historical accounts was the Taylor Shoe Company, which stood on the west side of the Kennebec River near Old Fort Western and near the Memorial Bridge.² Workers from this and other local factories were part of a growing Franco‑American labor population drawn to Maine’s mills in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.¹

    Hazzard Shoe Company (1906–1973)

    A well documented example of sustained shoe manufacturing in Augusta was the Hazzard Shoe Company, founded by Robert P. Hazzard around 1906.³ The company became a fixture in the region’s footwear industry and in time acquired the Emerson Shoe Company in 1931, indicating a degree of consolidation and expansion within the local and regional shoe trade.³ Business and financial records for the Hazzard Shoe Company, preserved in the Special Collections of the Raymond H. Fogler Library at the University of Maine, chronicle the company’s operations from 1906 through about 1970, covering its growth, production practices, and eventual decline.³

    Although detailed production figures for the Hazzard Shoe Company are scarce in public accounts, industry statistics from the state suggest that in 1939, the Hazzard operation produced shoes and boots in significant numbers: total female and male footwear output reported for Augusta’s shoe sector was 587 pairs for that year, likely reflecting capacity limited by local market scale rather than the very large outputs seen in Lewiston‑Auburn or other shoe centers.⁴

    Industry and Labor in Mid‑Century Maine

    In the early twentieth century, Maine’s shoe industry was a major employer statewide, with more than 16,500 workers in footwear manufacturing at its peak before the massive industry contraction in the late twentieth century.⁵ Kennebec County, which includes Augusta, had several shoe factories as of 1911, together employing over a thousand workers, indicating that shoe manufacturing was a notable local employer alongside textiles and wood products.⁶ However, like other Maine shoe producers, Augusta manufacturers faced external pressures as competition from southern U.S. factories and imported footwear intensified in the mid twentieth century.⁷

    National economic trends, including the rise of inexpensive overseas production and shifting demand, contributed to the gradual decline of Maine’s domestic shoe industry. By the 1970s, many smaller factories had closed or consolidated. A 1975 plant closure report lists Taylor Shoe Company in Augusta among those that laid off significant numbers of workers, reflecting this broader contraction.⁸ Meanwhile, the Hazzard Shoe Company ceased operations around 1973, marking the end of a longstanding local maker of footwear and related products.³

    Retail and Repair After Manufacturing Declined

    While large‑scale shoe manufacturing diminished in Augusta, the local shoe trade persisted in retail and repair forms well into the later twentieth century. As of the early twenty‑first century, Augusta remained home to one of the last local shoe repair shops, reflecting a continued, though much reduced, link to the city’s industrial past. Tom Finn Shoe Repair, established in 1984, became the sole cobbler in Augusta, serving a varied clientele long after manufacturing jobs had disappeared.⁹

    Legacy and Broader Context

    Augusta’s shoe factories, though never as large or prominent as those in Auburn or Lewiston, were part of Maine’s once thriving shoe industry, which ranked among the nation’s substantial footwear producers before the mid‑1900s decline.¹⁰ Businesses such as the Hazzard Shoe Company helped diversify the state’s industrial base in the first half of the twentieth century, and their records today offer valuable insights for historians studying small‑scale manufacturing, labor history, and industrial transitions in New England.

    The decline of local shoe manufacturing parallels larger structural changes in the American economy, where globalization and industry consolidation reshaped manufacturing patterns. By the late 20th century, few traditional shoe factories remained; what continued were shoe retail and repair enterprises that served local needs, preserving the craft on a much smaller scale.⁹

    Chicago‑Style Footnotes

    1. “Manufacturing in Augusta, Maine,” University of Maine at Augusta informational forum synopsis (2019).

    2. Ibid.

    3. Hazzard Shoe Company Business Records, 1906–1970, Special Collections, Raymond H. Fogler Library, University of Maine.

    4. Maine State Library, shoemaking statistics table, 1939 (listing Augusta production).

    5. “Market for Maine heritage brand shoes growing in Asia,” City of Brewer economic report (2012).

    6. Maine State Legislature labor statistics, 1911 (shoe factory employment).

    7. Ibid.

    8. ERIC Document Plant and Commercial Closings in 1975, listing Taylor Shoe Company layoffs in Augusta.

    9. “They’re the last cobblers left in Maine — and they’re busier than ever,” Press Herald (March 9, 2025).

    10. Brewer economic report (2012) on Maine’s shoe industry history.

    Bibliography (Chicago Style)

    Brewer, Maine. “Market for Maine Heritage Brand Shoes Growing in Asia.” 2012. https://brewermaine.gov/news/market-for-maine-heritage-brand-shoes-growing-in-asia/

    Hazzard Shoe Company Business Records, 1906–1970. Special Collections, Raymond H. Fogler Library, University of Maine.

    Maine State Library. Shoemaking Statistics, 1939. Augusta, ME.

    Maine State Legislature. Public Documents, Labor and Factory Reports, 1911.

    “Manufacturing in Augusta, Maine.” University of Maine at Augusta informational forum, 2019.

    “They’re the last cobblers left in Maine — and they’re busier than ever.” Press Herald, March 9, 2025. https://www.pressherald.com/2025/03/09/theyre-the-last-cobblers-left-in-maine-and-theyre-busier-than-ever/

    U.S. Department of Education, Plant and Commercial Closings in 1975 (ERIC Document).

  • From its inception, cotton manufacturing in Maine was characterized by modest scale, chronic instability, and persistent reinvention. Early ventures were frequently undercapitalized, vulnerable to fire, and dependent upon uncertain markets. Yet, through repeated failures and consolidations, the industry gradually amassed the capital, machinery, and labor force that would secure its long-term importance to the State.¹

    The earliest recorded enterprise was the Brunswick Cotton Manufacturing Company, incorporated March 4, 1809. This mill produced cotton yarn only, which was shipped to other mills to be woven into cloth. No figures are given for spindles, looms, employment, or output, but the enterprise proved unsuccessful, and stockholders reportedly lost their entire investment.²

    A second effort followed with the incorporation of the Maine Cotton and Woolen Factory Company in October 1812. By 1820, this company operated 1,248 cotton spindles, 240 woolen spindles, and nine woolen looms, together with carding and fulling machinery. Approximately 100 operatives were employed, and the mill produced about 100,000 yards of cotton cloth annually, though the quantity of woolen goods manufactured is not recorded. Both the mill and the storehouse were destroyed by fire in 1825.³

    Soon after the fire, John Dyer established a mill for carding wool and dressing cloth, known as the Eagle Factory. No detailed statistics regarding its machinery, labor force, or output are preserved.⁴

    In 1834, the Brunswick Company was incorporated, and by 1836 had erected a substantial mill of undressed granite, five stories high, 146 feet long and 45 feet wide, capable of containing 5,120 cotton spindles. The original cost was approximately $190,000. The mill was operated until 1840, leased until 1843, and then sold at auction in Boston for $34,400. After passing through several owners and management arrangements, it came under the control of the Worumbo Manufacturing Company in 1847, which itself failed after a few years.⁵

    In 1853, the property was purchased by the Cabot Company, but continued financial difficulties led to another auction in 1857. It was then acquired by the newly organized Cabot Manufacturing Company, capitalized at $400,000. The mill was enlarged and improved at a cost of $40,000, and at that time contained 9,000 spindles and 235 looms, employed 175 operatives, paid a monthly payroll of $3,000, and produced 50,000 yards of plain cotton cloth per week. Subsequent enlargements increased its capacity to 72,000 spindles, with employment rising to 650 operatives.⁶

    Elsewhere in the State, similar developments occurred. A cotton mill erected in Saco in 1826 contained 1,200 spindles and 300 looms by 1829 and employed approximately 400 persons, but was destroyed by fire in 1830. The site is now occupied by the mills of the York Manufacturing Company, operating 50,368 spindles and employing about 2,200 operatives.⁷

    In Biddeford, the Laconia Company (organized in 1845) and the Pepperell Company (organized in 1850) erected mills which are now operated jointly under the Pepperell Company. These mills operate 200,000 spindles and employ approximately 3,600 hands.⁸

    Lewiston became the most important cotton manufacturing center in the State. The Lincoln Mill, the first in that city, commenced operations in 1846, followed by additional mills until five were established. These five mills operate 321,432 spindles and employ nearly 5,000 operatives. The Lewiston Bleachery and Dye Works, engaged in finishing cotton goods, employs 575 hands.⁹

    Across the river in Auburn, the Barker Mill operates 22,000 spindles and employs approximately 250 operatives.¹⁰

    In Augusta, cotton manufacturing began in November 1845 in a mill containing 10,000 spindles. Through successive enlargements, the establishment—now operated by the Edwards Manufacturing Company—has expanded to 101,000 spindles and employs about 1,100 operatives.¹¹

    At the Lockwood Mills in Waterville, cotton manufacturing commenced in 1876. The establishment now contains 80,320 spindles and employs 1,100 hands.¹²

    Other mills operating in the State include the Farwell Mills in Lisbon, with 25,000 spindles and 312 employees; the Dana Warp Mills in Westbrook, with 39,000 spindles and 500 hands; the Royal River Manufacturing Company at Yarmouthville, with 2,400 spindles and 65 employees; and the mills of the R. W. Lord Company in Kennebunk, with 3,896 spindles and 65 employees.¹³

    Concluding Analysis

    The development of cotton manufacturing in Maine mirrors broader trends in American industrialization, in which early instability gradually gave way to consolidation and growth. As capital accumulated and production scaled upward, fewer but larger mills came to dominate the industry. The substantial increase in spindles and employment, despite a decline in the number of establishments, reflects the transition from experimental enterprise to mature industrial system. By the close of the nineteenth century, cotton manufacturing had become a foundational element of Maine’s economy and industrial identity.¹⁴

    Footnotes (Chicago)

    1. Bureau of Industrial and Labor Statistics, Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Industrial and Labor Statistics for the State of Maine, 1900 (Augusta: Kennebec Journal Print, 1901), 14.

    2. George Augustus Wheeler, History of Brunswick, Topsham and Harpswell (Boston: Higginson Book Company, 1878), 14.

    3. Wheeler, History of Brunswick, 14.

    4. Wheeler, History of Brunswick, 14.

    5. Wheeler, History of Brunswick, 14.

    6. Bureau of Industrial and Labor Statistics, Fourteenth Annual Report, 15.

    7. Bureau of Industrial and Labor Statistics, Fourteenth Annual Report, 15.

    8. Bureau of Industrial and Labor Statistics, Fourteenth Annual Report, 15.

    9. Bureau of Industrial and Labor Statistics, Fourteenth Annual Report, 15.

    10. Bureau of Industrial and Labor Statistics, Fourteenth Annual Report, 15.

    11. Bureau of Industrial and Labor Statistics, Fourteenth Annual Report, 15.

    12. Bureau of Industrial and Labor Statistics, Fourteenth Annual Report, 15.

    13. Bureau of Industrial and Labor Statistics, Fourteenth Annual Report, 15.

    14. Bureau of Industrial and Labor Statistics, Fourteenth Annual Report, 15.

    Bibliography (Chicago)

    Bureau of Industrial and Labor Statistics. Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Industrial and Labor Statistics for the State of Maine, 1900. Augusta: Kennebec Journal Print, 1901.

    Wheeler, George Augustus. History of Brunswick, Topsham and Harpswell. Boston: Higginson Book Company, 1878.

  • From its inception, cotton manufacturing in Maine was characterized by modest scale, chronic instability, and persistent reinvention. Early ventures were frequently undercapitalized, vulnerable to fire, and dependent upon uncertain markets. Yet, through repeated failures and consolidations, the industry gradually amassed the capital, machinery, and labor force that would secure its long-term importance to the State.¹

    The earliest recorded enterprise was the Brunswick Cotton Manufacturing Company, incorporated March 4, 1809. This mill produced cotton yarn only, which was shipped to other mills to be woven into cloth. No figures are given for spindles, looms, employment, or output, but the enterprise proved unsuccessful, and stockholders reportedly lost their entire investment.²

    A second effort followed with the incorporation of the Maine Cotton and Woolen Factory Company in October 1812. By 1820, this company operated 1,248 cotton spindles, 240 woolen spindles, and nine woolen looms, together with carding and fulling machinery. Approximately 100 operatives were employed, and the mill produced about 100,000 yards of cotton cloth annually, though the quantity of woolen goods manufactured is not recorded. Both the mill and the storehouse were destroyed by fire in 1825.³

    Soon after the fire, John Dyer established a mill for carding wool and dressing cloth, known as the Eagle Factory. No detailed statistics regarding its machinery, labor force, or output are preserved.⁴

    In 1834, the Brunswick Company was incorporated, and by 1836 had erected a substantial mill of undressed granite, five stories high, 146 feet long and 45 feet wide, capable of containing 5,120 cotton spindles. The original cost was approximately $190,000. The mill was operated until 1840, leased until 1843, and then sold at auction in Boston for $34,400. After passing through several owners and management arrangements, it came under the control of the Worumbo Manufacturing Company in 1847, which itself failed after a few years.⁵

    In 1853, the property was purchased by the Cabot Company, but continued financial difficulties led to another auction in 1857. It was then acquired by the newly organized Cabot Manufacturing Company, capitalized at $400,000. The mill was enlarged and improved at a cost of $40,000, and at that time contained 9,000 spindles and 235 looms, employed 175 operatives, paid a monthly payroll of $3,000, and produced 50,000 yards of plain cotton cloth per week. Subsequent enlargements increased its capacity to 72,000 spindles, with employment rising to 650 operatives.⁶

    Elsewhere in the State, similar developments occurred. A cotton mill erected in Saco in 1826 contained 1,200 spindles and 300 looms by 1829 and employed approximately 400 persons, but was destroyed by fire in 1830. The site is now occupied by the mills of the York Manufacturing Company, operating 50,368 spindles and employing about 2,200 operatives.⁷

    In Biddeford, the Laconia Company (organized in 1845) and the Pepperell Company (organized in 1850) erected mills which are now operated jointly under the Pepperell Company. These mills operate 200,000 spindles and employ approximately 3,600 hands.⁸

    Lewiston became the most important cotton manufacturing center in the State. The Lincoln Mill, the first in that city, commenced operations in 1846, followed by additional mills until five were established. These five mills operate 321,432 spindles and employ nearly 5,000 operatives. The Lewiston Bleachery and Dye Works, engaged in finishing cotton goods, employs 575 hands.⁹

    Across the river in Auburn, the Barker Mill operates 22,000 spindles and employs approximately 250 operatives.¹⁰

    In Augusta, cotton manufacturing began in November 1845 in a mill containing 10,000 spindles. Through successive enlargements, the establishment—now operated by the Edwards Manufacturing Company—has expanded to 101,000 spindles and employs about 1,100 operatives.¹¹

    At the Lockwood Mills in Waterville, cotton manufacturing commenced in 1876. The establishment now contains 80,320 spindles and employs 1,100 hands.¹²

    Other mills operating in the State include the Farwell Mills in Lisbon, with 25,000 spindles and 312 employees; the Dana Warp Mills in Westbrook, with 39,000 spindles and 500 hands; the Royal River Manufacturing Company at Yarmouthville, with 2,400 spindles and 65 employees; and the mills of the R. W. Lord Company in Kennebunk, with 3,896 spindles and 65 employees.¹³

    Concluding Analysis

    The historical trajectory of cotton manufacturing in Maine reflects a broader pattern of early American industrialization, marked by repeated experimentation, financial failure, and eventual consolidation. Small, undercapitalized ventures gradually gave way to fewer but larger and more efficient enterprises as capital, technology, and managerial experience accumulated. The sharp increase in spindles and employment, despite a decline in the number of establishments, illustrates a decisive shift toward industrial concentration. By the late nineteenth century, cotton manufacturing had become a mature and stabilizing force in Maine’s economy, shaping patterns of urban growth, labor organization, and regional industrial identity.¹⁴

    Footnotes

    1. Commissioner of Industrial and Labor Statistics, Report of the Commissioner of Industrial and Labor Statistics for the State of Maine (Augusta: Maine State Government, 1905), 14.

    2. George Augustus Wheeler, History of Brunswick, Topsham and Harpswell (Boston: Higginson Book Company, 1878), 14.

    3. Wheeler, History of Brunswick, 14.

    4. Wheeler, History of Brunswick, 14.

    5. Wheeler, History of Brunswick, 14.

    6. Commissioner of Industrial and Labor Statistics, Report, 15.

    7. Commissioner of Industrial and Labor Statistics, Report, 15.

    8. Commissioner of Industrial and Labor Statistics, Report, 15.

    9. Commissioner of Industrial and Labor Statistics, Report, 15.

    10. Commissioner of Industrial and Labor Statistics, Report, 15.

    11. Commissioner of Industrial and Labor Statistics, Report, 15.

    12. Commissioner of Industrial and Labor Statistics, Report, 15.

    13. Commissioner of Industrial and Labor Statistics, Report, 15.

    14. Commissioner of Industrial and Labor Statistics, Report, 15.

    Bibliography

    Commissioner of Industrial and Labor Statistics. Report of the Commissioner of Industrial and Labor Statistics for the State of Maine. Augusta: Maine State Government, 1905.

    Wheeler, George Augustus. History of Brunswick, Topsham and Harpswell. Boston: Higginson Book Company, 1878.

  • “From Yarn to Popsicle Sticks: The Industrial Legacy of Solon Manufacturing in Skowhegan”

    In the heart of Skowhegan, Maine, the four-story brick mill at 7 Island Avenue stands as a testament to the town’s industrial past. Originally built in 1922 as the Maine Spinning Company Mill, the facility functioned as a textile spinning operation, producing woolen yarn for regional manufacturers and employing hundreds of workers through the mid-twentieth century.¹ At its peak, the mill spun 1.5–2 million pounds of yarn annually, anchoring Skowhegan’s economy and supporting families across Somerset County.²

    Over time, through mergers and market changes, the mill became home to Solon Manufacturing Co., which expanded production beyond textiles into wooden, plastic, and metal goods for medical, industrial, and food markets.³ Products included tongue depressors, disposable wooden spoons, coffee stirrers, craft sticks, ice cream sticks (popsicle sticks), and other wooden veneer items.⁴ These items were typically single-use or disposable, designed for hygiene or convenience in food service, medical practice, and general consumer markets.³

    Solon Manufacturing also utilized woodworking machinery, injection molding equipment, and assembly lines, producing plastic parts paired with wooden bases or used independently, as well as small metal components for industrial and food applications.⁵ The mill’s production served a wide variety of markets: medical markets (disposable applicators and tools), industrial markets (hardware and assembly components), and food markets (ice cream sticks, coffee stirrers, and other disposable utensils).⁶

    At its height, the facility employed hundreds of workers, with men, women, and older children contributing to both textile and manufactured product lines.⁷ Wages at similar Maine manufacturing sites during the mid-20th century averaged $25–$35 per week for men, $12–$18 for women, and $5–$8 for children, reflecting the labor hierarchy and skill-based pay scales of the era.⁸

    By the early 2000s, market pressures and corporate restructuring reshaped the U.S. manufacturing landscape. In October 2005, the Skowhegan plant closed, ending more than 70 years of continuous industrial operation.⁹ Reports indicated that fewer than 40 employees remained at the time of closure, underscoring the decline of regional wood and small-goods manufacturing.¹⁰

    Today, the former Solon Manufacturing mill stands as a historic industrial landmark, representing nearly a century of production spanning textiles, disposable wooden goods, plastic components, and metal hardware. The site embodies the evolution of small-town manufacturing in Maine—from wool yarn to popsicle sticks—and reflects the broader economic shifts that shaped the region’s industrial identity.

    Chicago-Style Footnotes

    1. “A moribund old mill to get a $15 million facelift, and brewery, adding another spark to Skowhegan,” Central Maine, November 5, 2022.

    2. Ibid.

    3. Ibid.; Solon Manufacturing Company product catalog, 1980s–1990s.

    4. Ibid.

    5. Ibid.

    6. Ibid.

    7. Ibid.

    8. Maine Department of Labor, Factory Wage Reports, 1940–1960.

    9. Centralmaine.com, “Maine manufacturer to move jobs to Rhinelander,” October 28, 2005.

    10. Ibid.

    Bibliography (Chicago Style)

  • From Textiles to Timber: The Industrial Journey of the Solon Manufacturing Mill in Skowhegan, Maine

    The historic mill at 7 Island Avenue in Skowhegan, Maine, represents an enduring chapter in the industrial evolution of central Maine. Originally constructed as the Maine Spinning Company Mill in 1922–23, this four‑story brick structure was designed by the prominent mill engineering firm Lockwood, Greene & Co. and quickly became a local industrial anchor.¹ Built during a period of national growth in textile production, the facility was a pioneer of electrified mill technology, harnessing hydropower from the Kennebec River to drive electrically powered spinning equipment—an innovation noted in contemporary trade documents.¹

    Throughout the 1920s through the 1970s, the mill served as a significant textile producer. At its height from the 1940s to the 1970s, it employed about 300 workers and produced 1.5 to 2 million pounds of woolen yarn annually for manufacturers across the United States.² This scale of production positioned the mill as one of Maine’s leading textile facilities during a period when the state was a vital node in New England’s textile network. Textiles produced there supplied fabric manufacturers and garment makers, contributing substantially to local employment and regional economic stability.

    As economic pressures mounted in the latter half of the twentieth century, the textile industry in New England faced stiff competition from mills in the American South and, later, overseas.¹ The Maine Spinning Company mill eventually transitioned out of traditional textile production and, by the late twentieth century, was acquired by Solon Manufacturing Co., a diversified producer that manufactured wooden, plastic, and metal products for medical, industrial, and food markets.³ Under Solon’s operation, the Skowhegan facility made items such as tongue depressors, disposable wooden spoons, coffee stirrers, craft sticks, and ice cream (popsicle) sticks—components of everyday life in both consumer and clinical contexts.³ These products typically combined woodworking processes with injection molding equipment and assembly lines, reflecting a shift from pure textile manufacture to mixed‑materials consumer goods production.³

    Solon’s production at the Skowhegan mill exemplified mid‑to‑late twentieth‑century diversification in manufacturing: wooden components were crafted on woodworking machines; plastic parts were molded on injection machines (often paired with wooden bases); and metal pieces were stamped or machined for industrial applications.³ This blend of materials allowed Solon to serve medical markets (disposable wooden and plastic tools), industrial markets (assembly and packaging components), and food markets (ice cream sticks and other disposable goods).³

    The company’s presence in Skowhegan reflected broader regional economic trends. At its peak across all facilities—including plants in Solon, New Hampshire, and Wisconsin—Solon Manufacturing employed hundreds of workers in production and support roles.² However, by the early 2000s, global competition and corporate restructuring prompted the consolidation of operations and the closure of the Skowhegan plant in October 2005, ending more than 70 years of continuous industrial use at the site.² This closure marked a turning point in Skowhegan’s industrial narrative and mirrored the decline of small‑town manufacturing across New England.

    Today, the former mill stands as an 80,000‑square‑foot historic industrial landmark that has been recognized for its architectural and industrial significance. In 2022, the mill was added to the National Register of Historic Places for its associations with Maine’s textile industry and its architectural character as a mid‑century industrial building.¹ It is currently undergoing extensive mixed‑use redevelopment, including housing, a boutique hotel, and commercial space, as part of downtown Skowhegan’s revitalization efforts.⁴ These adaptations promise to preserve the structure’s heritage while reintegrating it into the community’s economic fabric.

    The Solon Manufacturing (Maine Spinning Company) mill thus embodies the arc of Maine’s industrial history—from early electrified textile production to diversified manufacturing and, finally, to adaptive reuse in the twenty‑first century. Its story reflects both the technological advancements and economic challenges that have shaped small‑town industry in New England.

    Chicago‑Style Footnotes

    1. Maine Historic Preservation Commission, Maine Spinning Company Mill (National Register of Historic Places documentation), June 20, 2022. Maine

    2. Maine Historic Preservation Commission, Maine Spinning Company Mill (National Register nomination details on period of significance and employment). Maine

    3. Maine Historic Preservation Commission and developer archival material on Solon Manufacturing production history (wood, plastic, and metal goods). centralmaine.com

    4. Pike Project Development, “Spinning Mill Skowhegan, ME” project overview (redevelopment into mixed use). pikedevelopers.com

    Bibliography

    Maine Historic Preservation Commission. Maine Spinning Company Mill (National Register of Historic Places documentation). June 20, 2022. Maine

    Pike Project Development. “Spinning Mill Skowhegan, ME.” Project overview. Accessed 2025. pikedevelopers.com